Ahmad Jazuly English

BILINGUAL ACQUISITION AND
LANGUAGE DEVELOPMENT IN EARLY CHILDHOOD

Written by :

AHMAD JAZULY

NIM : 2091040186

Class : C ( Banyuwangi )

ISLAMIC UNIVERSITY OF MALANG

GRADUATE PROGRAM IN ENGLISH EDUCATION

JULY, 2010

BILINGUAL ACQUISITION AND
LANGUAGE DEVELOPMENT IN EARLY CHILDHOOD

1. INTRODUCTION

Language acquisition and language development are two different things that can not be separated from one to another when we talk about bilingualism. If we talk about language acquisition, it refers to the process how a language is acquired by someone. In the other hand, talking about language development, we merely stress on how a person make progress towards the language he or she learn, whether she or he success or failure in maintaining the language.

In the process of language acquisition and language development in  early childhood, there are some possibilities that might be occurred. Firstly, a child might become monolingual person if lie could speak only one language, Secondly, a child might become a bilingual person if he could use equally two different languages and finally, a child might become a multilingual person if lie could use more than two different languages equally in communicating with other people. All of these possibilities basically depend on some factors like family, school and the environment or the society where the child lives.

In order to get better understanding about how children acquire language and develop their language competency, this paper will focus on language bilingual acquisition and language development in early childhood.

2. DISCUSSION

This part of discussion covers bilingual acquisition in early childhood and the language development in bilingual children ; stage of development, language mixing, language lose or semilingualism.

2.1. Bilingual Acquisition in early Childhood

Language acquisition is an everyday and yet magical feat of childhood. Within three to five years, virtually all children become fully competent in at least one language. We accept this as totally normal. We seldom worry about whether or not it will happen even though it is the most complex accomplishment of early childhood. Even more remarkable are those children who simultaneously acquire proficiency in two, or more, languages during the preschool years. Within the same time frame as it takes monolingual children to learn one language, bilingual children learn two languages and become adept at using them in socially diverse and appropriate ways.

It is estimated that there may be as many children who grow up learning two languages as one as I experience at the age of 4, I can speak both Madurise and Javanese equally to both of my parents. I learn Madurise from my father while Javanese from my mother. Despite this, childhood bilingualism is poorly understood by many and regarded with skepticism by others. Because of lack of familiarity with or knowledge about childhood bilingual' specialists may express bilingualism, parents, educators, and early childhood special" doubts about childhood bilingualism and they may expect negative consequences to result from children learning two languages during the preschool years. Such concerns are especially common in communities where most children grow up monolingual and, as a result, adult members of the community come to view monolingualism as normal and bilingualism as abnormal.

In recent years, researchers have been actively involved in studying, bilingual acquisition and, although all the research evidence is not yet in, we now have a more detailed description of important aspects of bilingual development than previously. Bilingual acquisition is complex. In comparison with monolingual children who usually learn language from their parents, bilingual children may depend not only on parents but also on grandparents, playmates, or childcare and daycare workers to learn their languages. Bilingual children may learn their languages primarily in the home, like monolingual children, or in the daycare, or neighborhood. Bilingual children's exposure to their languages can also differ greatly, as, for example, if the child is learning one language form a parent who works at home and the other from a parent who works outside the home. Their language exposure can fluctuate greatly over time, if, for example, the parent who is the primary source of one of the languages takes a job in another city and is only home on weekends. in relation to these condition, a case of Alfian a three year boy who stay in Jember for almost two years to join his father Ahmad continuing his study in Jember. Alfian has been making friend with children of native Javanese since the first time he arrived in the city. As the result, now he can speak Japanese nearly equal to his first language bahasa Indonesia as he learns from his parents. This implies that society has a power to make AM acquire his second language.

As quoted in Mc. Laughlin, et all, (2000). Here are responses to some concerns that are commonly expressed by parents and childcare professionals about bilingual acquisition in early childhood :

1. Learning two languages in childhood is difficult and can result in delays in language development.  

Children who have regular and rich exposure to both languages on a daily or weekly basis from parents and other caregivers exhibit the same milestones in language development and at roughly the same ages as language children. It is important to remember that there are large individual differences in language differences in language acquisition - some children acquire their first words or use complex utterances much earlier than other children. Delay in the emergence of these milestones does not necessarily mean that there is something seriously wrong, in most cases it simply means that the child has taken longer to reach this stage. The same kinds of differences are characteristic of bilingual children.

It is important that parents of bilingual children provide systematic exposure to both languages all the time and that they avoid radical changes to the language environment of the child. Such changes can disrupt language development and create difficulties for the child.

2. Bilingual children have less exposure to each of their languages than  monolingual children. As a result, they never master either language fully and, compared to monolingual children, they never become as proficient.

Bilingual children can acquire the same proficiency in all aspects of their two languages over time as monolingual children even though they usually have less exposure to each language. Bilingual children acquire the same proficiency in the phonological and grammatical aspects of their two languages as monolingual _"al children do in their one language, provided they are given regular and substantial exposure to each. Bilingual children may have somewhat different patterns of development in certain aspects of language in the short term. Vocabulary is one of those areas. Sometimes, young bilingual children know fewer words in one or both of their languages in comparison with monolingual children of the same age. This is probably because all young children have limited young memory capacities, and bilingual children must store words from two languages, not just one. As well, because bilingual children learn words in each language different from different people, they sometimes know certain words in one language but not in the other. When the vocabulary that language bilingual children know in both languages is considered together, they generally know the same number of words and have the same range of vocabulary as their monolingual peers.

Parents can best ensure that their children achieve full proficiency in both languages by providing rich experiences with each and especially with the language that might otherwise not get strong support in the extended community, for example, a minority language such as Spanish or Chinese in North America. It is important in this regard that parents who do not speak the majority language of the community continue to use their native language so that they expose their child to varied and rich ways of using language. This is difficult to do if parents use a language that they are not proficient in. It is also important for parents to maintain use of heritage languages in the home because it is part of the family culture and an important part of the child's developing identity. It helps them feel unique and connected to their families.

3. Young bilingual children can't keep their languages separate; they use both at the same time: they are obviously confused.

At some stage, most bilingual children use sounds and words from both languages in the same utterances or conversations even though the people talking with them are using only one language. Some parents and early childhood educators are concerned when they hear this because they believe that it means that the child is confused and cannot separate the two languages. Research shows that this is not true. The main reason for children mixing their languages in these ways is because they lack sufficient vocabulary in one or both languages to express themselves entirely in each language. Thus, they borrow from the other language. Indeed, this is an effective communication strategy in most families because parents and other adults who care for bilingual children usually understand both languages and may mix the languages themselves when talking with the child.

Bilingual adults in some communities mix their languages extensively. Research has shown that the most proficient bilinguals mix the most and in the most sophisticated ways without violating the rules of either language. It is normal for children growing up in these communities to mix their languages extensively because they are simply learning the patterns of communication that are common in their community.

In any case, mixing languages is a natural and normal aspect of early bilingual acquisition, even among proficient adult bilinguals. Parents should not try to stop their children from mixing. Bilingual children will naturally stop doing it, unless of course mixing is a frequent form of language use in the community.

4. Using both languages in the same sentence or -conversation is had. Parents can discourage and even prevent their children from doing, this doing by making sure that each of them uses one and only one language with their child at all times. The same goes for other adults who interact with the child.

Research has shown that most bilingual children mix their languages sometimes no matter how much their parents mix, for the reasons mentioned earlier. As well, most parents mix their languages when talking with their young children because it is a natural and effective way of communicating with on-, another and their children. Because mixing, languages is common among people who are bilingual, it can be difficult and unnatural, if not impossible, to keep the languages completely separate. If most people in the children's wider community use only one language, then there is probably no reason to worry about how much parents or children mix; the children will eventual learn the monolingual patterns.

5. What are the most important thins for parents or early childhood educators to know about early childhood bilingualism ?

There are number of important things to keep in mind :

ü  Bilingual acquisition is a common and normal childhood experience

ü  All children are capable of learning two languages in childhood

ü  Knowing, the language of one's parents is an important and essential component of children's cultural identity and sense of belonging

ü  Bilingual acquisition is facilitated if children have sustained, rich, and varied experiences in both languages

ü  Proficiency in both languages is more likely if children have sustained exposure in the home to the language that is used less extensively in the community; the language that is used more widely will get support outside the home

ü  Parents can facilitate bilingual proficiency by using the language they know best and by using it in varied and extensive ways

2.2. The Child's Language Background

There are many different ways in which children can be exposed to a second language. For some children, two languages are present in the home from birth. For other children, exposure to a second language begins once they enter early childhood education programs. It is customary in the literature to distinguish between children who learn two languages simultaneously and children who learn one language after their first language is established. Because so much of language development occurs before the age of three, the usual convention is to divide children at that point. If the second language is introduced before age three, children are thought to be learning the two languages simultaneously; after the age of three, they are engaged in sequential bilingualism ( Genesee, 2002 ) lie further explain that children differ in their exposure to their languages. Some children receive a great deal of exposure to two languages, whereas for other children one language predominates. In addition, children may be in an environment where the two languages are intermixed in normal adult Speech. This practice of "code-switching" is prevalent in many Spanish – speaking  communities in California and Texas. Moreover, in migrant Latino families, children may move from one country to another, so that there is a great deal of exposure to English as a second language at some periods, and no exposure at other times.

At the risk of simplifying, these complexities we can study a typology bilingual Development Based on Conditions of Exposure and Use as listed in table 1. In this table, Type 1 bilingualism represents the case of children who are simultaneously bilingual in the sense that both languages develop equally or nearly equally as they are exposed to both and have good opportunities to use both. Although perfectly balanced bilinguals are rare, many children in early childhood education programs have been exposed to two languages and use both. For example, many children speak Spanish with their parents and older relatives, but English with their siblings and other children. Type 2 represents children who have had high exposure to a second language throughout their lives, but have had little opportunity to use the language. For example, many migrant children from Mexico hear English on television, in stores and so on, but use Spanish in everyday communication. When they enter early childhood education programs, these children are likely to make rapid progress in English comprehension skills has been developed.

Table 1 : A Typology of Bilingual Development Based on Conditions of

                Exposure and Use

		Subsequent Experience
		High Opportunity / motivation for use of both languages:	Low    opportunity / motivation for use of both languages:
Prior Experience	High exposure to both languages :	Simultaneous Bilingualism (Type 1)	Receptive Bilingualism (Type 2)
	Low exposure to one language :	Rapid Sequential Bilingualism ('Type 3)	Slow Sequential Bilingualism (Type 4)

(Adapted from Barry McLaughlin; Antoinette Gesi Blanchard ; Yuka Osanai. 2000)

Types 3 and 4 represent children who are learning a second language sequentially, that is, after the first language is established. Type 3 children have also had little exposure to English before entering early childhood education programs, but they use English as much as they can and so are likely to be more rapid learners than are Type 4 children. In the case of Type 4 children, there has been little prior exposure to English and they have few opportunities -or avail themselves of few opportunities-to use English.

Individual differences in the use children make of the opportunities to use a second language have been noted by many observers. Some children not only use the language as much as possible, but they are "high input generators" in the sense that they get people around them to use English in ways that are most helpful to their learning. Other children tend not to use the language very much and as a result do not get as much help as they could.

2.3. Language Development in Bilingual Children

Most educators know something about the language development of native English - speaking children. There is a vast literature on the topic, and the benchmarks of language development have been plotted for monolingual children; however, no such benchmarks are available for bilingual children. Children follow different paths to become bilingual and the stages that they pass through can be quite varied.

2.3.1. Stages of Development

Currently researchers believe that there is a consistent developmental sequence that children follow in acquiring a first language. If the child acquires two languages simultaneously, the stages of development are the same as they are for monolingual speakers of those languages. There is debate over whether bilingualism results in a slower rate of vocabulary development than is true of children learning the same languages monolingually. Goodz, ( in McLaughlin 2001) reports no delay or retardation, but other researchers have reported lower vocabulary scores for bilingual than for monolingual children in a given language.

Typically, children who are learning two languages simultaneously make unequal progress in the languages. One language is more salient from time to time, either because of the input that the child is receiving from other speakers, or because there are more opportunities to use one language than the other. However, there is no simple relationship between a child's proficiency in each language and the amount of input in that language from caregivers and others Goodz, (in Mc. Laughlin, 2001).

For children who are learning a second language sequentially, the development progression is somewhat different. Tabors and Snow (in Mc. Laughlin, 2001) argue that such children pass through four distinct stages :

1.      First, the child uses the home language. When everyone around the child is speaking a different language, there are only two options-to speak the language they already know, or to stop speaking entirely. Many children, but not all, follow the first option for some period of time ( Saville-Troike, 1987). This of course leads to increasing frustration, and eventually children give up trying to make others understand their language.

2.      The second stage is the nonverbal period. After children abandon the attempt to communicate in their first language, they enter a period in which they do not talk at all. This can last for some time, or it can be a brief phase. Although they do not talk during this time, children attempt to communicate nonverbally to get help from adults or to obtain objects. Furthermore, this is a period during which children begin actively to crack the code of the second language. Saville-Troike (1987) noted that children will rehearse the target language by repeating what other speakers say in a low voice and by playing with the sounds of the new language.

3.      The next stage occurs when the child is ready to go public with the new language. There are two characteristics to this speech-it is telegraphic and it involves the use of formulas. Telegraphic speech is common in early monolingual language development and involves the use of a few content words without function words or morphological markers. For example, a young child learning to speak English may say "put paper" to convey the meaning, "I want to put the paper on the table." Formulaic speech refers to the use of unanalyzed chunks of words or routine phrases that are repetitions of what the child hears. Children use such prefabricated chunks long before they have any understanding of what they mean (Wong Fillmore in Mc. Laughlin, 2000).

4.      Eventually, the child reaches the stage of productive language use. At this point the child is able to go beyond short telegraphic utterances and memorized chunks. Initially, in English for example, children may form new utterances by using formulaic patterns such as " I wanna " with names for objects. In time, the child begins to demonstrate an understanding of the syntactic system of the language. Children gradually unpack-age their formulas and apply newly acquired syntactic rules to develop productive control over the language. Like any scheme of developmental stages, the sequence outlined here is flexible. At a given stage children have recourse to previously used strategies. Formulaic speech is still used in the stage of productive language use, for example. Rather than speaking of stages, it makes more sense to speak of waves, in that waves can be visualized as moving in and out, generally moving in one direction, but receding, then moving forward again ( Olsen Edwards in Mc. Laughlin, 2001 ). This seems to capture more accurately the child's development-in language and in other areas as well.

Furthermore, there are vast individual differences with respect to the rate at which children pass through the different stages. Some children go through a prolonged nonverbal stage, sometimes lasting for year or more, whereas other children pass through this stage so quickly they seem to have rejected this strategy altogether. Nora, ( in Ganesse, 2002) study, preferred to interact with English-speaking children and used every opportunity to engage in meaningful conversation in that language. Other learners in the same study chose to speak almost entirely with other children who understood their first language and so made little progress in the second language.

2.3.2. Language Mixing

Most observers -of children learning two languages simultaneously note that there is some mixing of languages at the lexical level. There is a great deal of controversy about how much mixing occurs and what it means. Recent research by Goodz 1994 in Mc. Laughlin, mixing 2000) suggests that mixing increases somewhat during early childhood, speaking at 30 months or so, and then declining. She followed 13 children and their parents and focused on the input the parents provided. In spite of parents' protestations to the contrary, observations indicated that they did not separate languages by person; rather, in all cases there were situations when parents used their nonnative language with the child. This research was done with French-English speakers in Canada; research with Mexican-American families in the United States indicates mixing is quite common in some communities.

Goodz ( in Mc. Laughlin, 2000 ) stated that in such communities mixing languages and switching from one language to another is pail of the child's normal linguistic environment. Language mixing and code switching are used for definite communicative needs. Speakers build on the coexistence of alternate forms in their language repertory to create meanings that may be highly idiosyncratic and understood only by members of the same bilingual speech community. In such communities adult code - switching is a rhetorical strategy used in such communicative tasks as persuading, explaining, requesting, and controlling. it is preferred to other rhetorical devices because it has greater semantic power deriving from metaphorical allusion to shared values and to the bilinguals common problems vis-a-vis the society at large.

A number of observers have noted that when bilinguals have been interacting mainly with other bilinguals for a long time, the model for each of their languages is not monolingual usage of these languages but rather the languages as spoken by the bilinguals themselves. In these situations, the mixed speech becomes a code of its own-"contact language" (Haugen, in Mc. Laughlin 2000) that is used to stress in-group behavior or emphasize informality or rapport.

It is important for educators in early childhood education programs to realize that language mixing ( inserting single lexical items from one language into another ) and code switching ( switching languages for at least a phrase or a sentence ) are common linguistic devices in many of the communities from which their students come. Rather than indicating that children are confusing their two languages, such phenomena can be a sign of linguistic vitality. Young children in such communities are in the process of learning to switch languages in the sophisticated manner they hear around them. Teachers who switch languages are merely adjusting their speech to the language of the child's community and culture.

2.3.3. Language Loss and Semilingualism

It sometimes happens that children lose their first language skills as the second language begins to predominate ( Wong ­Fillmore, in Mc. Laughlin, 2000 ). Because of the emphasis put on English in our schools and society, children can gradually lose aspects of their first language. This is -sometimes the case in immigrant families, where the parents are learning English and that language begins to predominate in the home.

Because, developmentally, children may be losing aspects of their first language as the second language is acquired, their performance on tests of language proficiency can be misleading.  At a given point in time, their skills in both languages may be relatively weak. This has led some researchers to talk of " semilingualim," a condition where children are not functioning well in either language. Indeed, language. one often hears teachers decrying the fact that bilingual children "don't know either language."

Most linguists would restrict the use of the term "semilingualism" to those cases where extreme social deprivation results in bilingual children not functioning well in either language. Although instances of extreme linguistic and communicative deprivation may lead to language pathology, usually what appears to be semilingualism is only a temporary phase in language development- Thus, as shown in Figure 1, there may be a developmental period when lack of use of the first language results in a decline in proficiency while at the same time knowledge of the second language is not yet at an age-appropriate level.

3. CONCLUSION

Based on the explanation above we can conclude that :

1.      There are two main factors affecting whether a child is monolingual, bilingual or multilingual. They are the family or the parents, and the community where they live.

2.      In exposing a second language, children may have different ways. For some children, two languages are present in the home from birth while for other children exposure to a second language begins once they enter early childhood education program. In this case, we can say that the process of acquiring a second language in early childhood can be done through formal and non formal education. Formal education learning a language at school while non formal education can be at home or outside of school environment.

3.      In the process of language development there are three possibilities that might happen toward the children : Firstly. Language mixing, that mixing of languages at some lexical levels. Secondly, Language loss in which children sometimes lose their first language skills as the second language begins to predominate.

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Barry Mclaughlin ; Antoinette Gesi Blanchard ; Yuka Osana. 2000.

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Genesee. Fred. 2002. Bilingual Acquisition.

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Saville-Troike, M. 1987. "Bilingual discourse: The Negotiation of Meaning

Without a Common Code."

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